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Region: Richmond

Robin Spurlock

Robin Spurlock has had an almost legendary presence in the John Marshall House since the site opened to the public in 1913. Spurlock is one of the best documented enslaved individuals that worked at the Marshall house, and he regularly appears in Marshall family oral histories. Many references to Spurlock’s personality only appeared in the 1960s in a poorly-documented source: this article will only use sources from Spurlock’s life to tell his story with the utmost integrity.

The earliest references to Robin Spurlock are found in John Marshall’s June 1793 account book entry “mending shoes for Robin.” He appears again in May 1794, “shoes for Robin”.1 Both entries date to a few years after construction for the John Marshall House was completed.

Thirty-eight years later, in 1832, we see the only glimpse of Spurlock’s labor on-site. John Marshall’s sister Eliza Colston wrote a letter to her daughter, “I have not had your beds & boxes taken to your Uncles. I thought it might disturb her, but if the day is clear I will have them taken tomorrow & interest Robin to have them aired.”2

The traditional narrative is that Spurlock labored as a man-servant, body-servant, or butler: someone charged with close day-to-day assistance to Marshall who also likely had a public facing role.

Dr. McCaw’s 1834 accounts with “Chief Justice Marshall”3 show four visits that fall related to Spurlock.

September 27, 1834: “to visiting Robin Bleeding”
September 28, 1834: “to Robin Advice”
September 29, 1834: “Robin Advice”
October 4, 1834: “Robin visit”

The next summer, Marshall died; his 1832 will provided Spurlock with three options for his future:

“It is my wish to emancipate my faithful servant Robin and I direct his emancipation if he chuses to conform to the laws on that subject, requiring that he should leave the state or if permission can be obtained for his continuing, to reside in it. In the event of his going to Liberia I give him one hundred dollars, if he does not go thither I give him fifty-dollars. Should it be found impractible to liberate him consistently with law and his own inclination, I desire that he may choose his master among my sons, or if he prefer my daughter that he may be held in trust for her and her family as is the other property bequeathed in trust for her, and that he may be always treated as a faithful meritorious servant.”4

Virginia law required an enslaved person to have supportive letters and character references if they were to be freed; they were also required to leave the state. Marshall provided no letters for Spurlock, who also had no connections with people outside of Virginia. In the end, Spurlock chose to remain enslaved to Marshall’s daughter, Mary Marshall Harvie. His advanced age likely encouraged him to remain near his family and within his community.

After Marshall’s death several references indicate that the Marshall children gave Spurlock money (“paid old Robbin”)5 or settled accounts for him (“rent for Robin rooms”).6 A second bill for Dr. McCaw’s “bleeding” of Spurlock, dated December 26, 1835, hints at ongoing medical concerns.7 The rents paid for Robin’s accommodations tell us that he was living on his own, and although the precise site is unknown, the 1830 census records an elderly enslaved man living in Jefferson Ward (near modern-day Shockoe Slip, close to 15th Street), which could be Robin Spurlock.

The only other description of Spurlock comes from a 1845 newspaper article entitled “A Hint for the Abolitionists.” The article is mostly propaganda but includes key details from a visit Spurlock made to the Federal Circuit Court in Richmond. This is the only primary source description of Spurlock’s clothing: “a long black coat, small clothes and stockings, knee-buckles and other characteristics of fashion sixty years ago”8 (roughly five years before the John Marshall House was built).

The final primary source for Robin is in many ways the most poignant: Spurlock’s death record at First African Baptist Church, dated December 5, 1847 is the only mention of his surname from his lifetime.9

Agnes Spurlock Hilton

“Mammy” by Catherine Thomas Douthat (charcoal on paper, date unknown), John Marshall Center for Constitutional History & Civics, Virginia Museum of History & Culture, Richmond.
“Mammy” by Catherine Thomas Douthat (charcoal on paper, date unknown), John Marshall Center for Constitutional History & Civics, Virginia Museum of History & Culture, Richmond.

Born around 1815 in Richmond, Virginia, Agnes was the daughter of Robin Spurlock; both were enslaved by John Marshall. Over the course of her life, Agnes was moved between various Marshall family homes. In total, she witnessed five generations of the family.

Throughout Agnes’s life, she was charged with caring for Marshall family children. Around 1833, John Marshall sent Agnes Spurlock, then 18 years old, to serve his son and daughter-in-law at Mont Blanc Plantation in Fauquier County, Virginia, where she cared for his granddaughter. Agnes Spurlock was later given to that granddaughter as part of her dowry when she married and moved to Weyanoke Plantation in Charles City Country, Virginia. She married Moses Hilton and the two continued to work there after emancipation until Agnes’ death in 1901.

Her life story is representative of the nineteenth century African American female experience. Agnes’s long life witnessed the transition from the era of slavery to a post-Civil War society. Though the record of her death refers to her as a “loyal” servant and friend, it is important to recognize the societal structures and limitations placed upon enslaved people in the 1800’s; Agnes was remembered as devoted, but under the laws of slavery she had no other option. Even after emancipation there were very few opportunities for the formerly enslaved. Many newly freed people maintained similar roles within the same household. Agnes’ story reflects a common thread of resilience and adaptation in the face of systemic challenges.

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